Both groups have a military wing that has committed acts of terrorism, and both participate significantly in local politics. Inspired by the transnational Muslim Brotherhood, Islamic activists established Hamas in late , at the start of the first Palestinian uprising against the Israeli occupation of Gaza and the West Bank. Over the years, Hamas succeeded in positioning itself as an alternative to the corrupt, inefficient, and largely discredited leadership of Yasser Arafat and the Palestine Liberation Organization.
In January, , Hamas won the Palestinian parliamentary elections, and the United States and European Union quickly cut off aid to the Palestinian government, which had been dominated by the P. Saudi Arabia and other Sunni Arab regimes also halted their assistance and worked to isolate Hamas, fearing that its ascendance would embolden the Muslim Brotherhood. Iran had supported Hamas covertly for years, and after the West cut off aid Tehran publicly pledged fifty million dollars a year to the Hamas-led government in Gaza.
Hezbollah was founded shortly before Hamas and, over the years, has also gotten help from Iran. The visit appeared to be a balancing act for the Moroccan state to send a message to Palestinians that Rabat still supports their cause against Israel. Across Morocco, there were protests after the country's normalisation with Israel. After Morocco, the Hamas leader went to neighbouring Mauritania prior to his arrival to Lebanon. Both Lebanese leaders are political allies of Hezbollah.
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The Saudi-Iranian battle over Lebanon. During the electoral campaign, Hamas was seeking to appeal to a wide range of voters from different political camps in the Palestinian territories, voters who did not all support the military struggle against Israel.
By contrast, Hamas employed the resistance concept very differently after the organization militarily took over Gaza in The Hamas government in Gaza understands the difficulty of being both a government and a resistance movement.
Accordingly, Hamas has differentiated between what it calls tactical and strategic resistance. While Hamas tactically accepts the premise of a Palestinian state based on the borders, strategically the group still aims to liberate all of pre Palestine. This distinction between tactics and strategy enables Hamas to manage the tensions inherent to its dual role in Gaza. In the context of adapting its conception of resistance to different situations, Hamas also has introduced the concept of popular resistance.
For Meshaal, popular resistance meant nonviolent civil unrest directed against Israel; the popular dimension of this approach was linked to the demonstrations taking place throughout the Arab world at the time.
In early , in conjunction with the Great March of Return in Gaza, initiated by Palestinian civil society actors, Hamas has revived the idea of popular resistance. Supporters of this initiative have demanded a Palestinian return to the territories of Hamas has prominently called on Palestinians to join this movement peacefully. At the same time, the document explains that escalating or deescalating resistance is part of a strategy of managing conflict.
Hezbollah and Hamas have long been close allies. Before the Arab uprisings in , the two cooperated politically and militarily and were closely aligned with Iran and Syria. Historically, Hezbollah held the upper hand in the partnership, as it offered military training to Hamas combatants, made political recommendations to the organization, and encouraged Hezbollah-affiliated media platforms to support Hamas and the Palestinian cause.
Before , Hezbollah and Hamas also cooperated in a broader alliance with Iran and Syria, the so-called axis of resistance. However, members of the axis of resistance were able to independently pursue their own objectives, as long as they adhered to the broader framework and direction of the alliance.
Iranian support became especially important for Hamas following the international economic embargo and political isolation imposed on the organization after its victory in the Palestinian legislative elections. This support became even more vital when Hamas militarily took over Gaza in After the March Syrian uprising devolved into an all-out war between protestors and the regime, Hamas would eventually break with the Syrian leadership and the axis of resistance.
The initial signs of a rift appeared in the first half of , when Hamas started openly criticizing the Assad regime for its military repression of the Syrian opposition. When the conflict escalated, Hamas eventually moved its political bureau from Damascus where it had been located since to Doha, Qatar. These decisions were contested within Hamas. Ultimately, it was the rise of former Egyptian president Mohamed Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood that pushed Hamas to sever its relations with Syria and the rest of the axis of resistance.
Hamas anticipated that the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood would be able to replace its former allies: Iran, Syria, and Hezbollah. Tehran reportedly started providing Hamas financial aid and military training in the early s. Thousands of Hamas militants have reportedly trained at Revolutionary Guard bases in Iran and Lebanon, while Hamas opened an office in Tehran. Iran continued support for Hamas during the Second Intifada from to It also helped bail out Hamas after it took control of Gaza in Tehran also allegedly provided Hamas military equipment used in the and conflicts with Israel.
In Lebanon, Hezbollah hosted Hamas leaders for years. But in mid, Hezbollah reportedly asked Hamas leaders to leave Dahiyeh, the southern suburbs of Beirut. Tehran reportedly reduced its funding for Hamas over its involvement in Syria. But Hamas may be reconsidering its strained relationship with Hezbollah and Tehran.
Hamas may feel its position has weakened since the July 3, toppling of Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi, a former Muslim Brotherhood leader. A few weeks later, Hamas official Ahmad Youssef told the press that the movement had met with Iranian and Hezbollah representatives in Beirut.
What are the similarities and differences in their agendas? How have their goals and strategies changed since the s? Hezbollah have Hamas have both undergone profound transformations since they were founded.
In their early years, both were considered underground movements associated with violence and suicide bombings. But they later gained reputations for delivering social services. Hamas and Hezbollah built bases of support that allowed them to establish influential political parties. Since its inception, Hezbollah has been committed to resisting Israel. Hamas has had parallel goals to Hezbollah. It has been committed to the destruction of Israel and creating an Islamic state in Palestine, although some leaders have indicated in recent years that they might accept a Palestinian state based on the borders—next to a Jewish state.
But the organization has retained its right to resist Israel with violence. Hamas and Hezbollah had similar goals and objectives as long as they considered Israel the main enemy. But the Syrian uprising changed everything.
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